The long distance between southern and northern Iraq does not muffle the sound of the Basrawi symphony played by the dark-skinned man. While skin color should never be a barrier, Afro-Iraqis continue to face suffering, exploitation, discrimination, bullying, and exclusion, especially in education, employment, and political representation.

Despite their deep historical roots, Iraqis of African descent, often referred to as Afro-Iraqis, have long endured marginalization in Basra and other southern provinces. Historians trace their ancestry to East Africa and specifically to the era of the Zanj, enslaved Africans brought by the Abbasid Caliphate to work in salt extraction and agriculture.

Ali al-Nashmi, an Iraqi historian, told The New Region that the Black population in Basra descends from the Zanj. “The Abbasids brought them by the thousands and settled them in Basra to scrape salt in al-Faw and other areas. They were treated as slaves and weren’t even provided proper food; their bread was made from date pits,” he said.

“Eventually, they revolted in what became known as the Zanj Rebellion. They nearly reached Baghdad before the Abbasids crushed the uprising and killed thousands. Some fled to the Gulf; others remained as servants.”

The term “Zanj,” used by medieval Muslim geographers to refer to the Black populations of southeastern Africa, became rooted in names like Zanzibar and the Sea of Zanj. While there is no single verified account of the Afro-Iraqis' origin, most theories suggest their ancestors were brought from Sudan, Ethiopia, and Zanzibar during the first Islamic century after the founding of Basra.

Initially forced to work on the estates of the wealthy, many of these Africans were enslaved laborers, though some also served as workers, farmers, and soldiers. In the early 8th century, uprisings occurred as these laborers seized farms and crops. These early movements were swiftly crushed by the Umayyad caliphs.

The struggle reignited in the 9th century, culminating in the Zanj Rebellion. According to former Iraqi minister Faisal al-Samer, author of The Zanj Rebellion, the revolt was led by Ali ibn Muhammad, a Persian who claimed Alid descent. He rallied the Zanj by promising to elevate their status, offering them wealth, homes, and power.

Al-Tabari, in History of the Prophets and Kings, recorded that Ali ibn Muhammad persuaded the Zanj with promises of social and economic justice. Within months, the rebels had taken over southeastern Iraq and Basra, expanding their control between Ahvaz and Wasit.

In 270 AH, Abbasid crown prince Abu Ahmad al-Muwaffaq mobilized a massive army, defeated the rebellion, and killed Ali ibn Muhammad, ending the revolt that sought equality and dignity for the oppressed.

In the centuries since, the Zanj blended into Iraqi society. Today, Afro-Iraqis live primarily in Basra, Zubair, Maysan, and Dhi Qar, with smaller communities in Baghdad, Wasit, and elsewhere. Though no official statistics exist, estimates place their numbers between 250,000 and 400,000, while some community leaders claim up to 1.5 million.

Afro-Iraqis have preserved cultural traditions passed down from their African ancestors. These include spiritual and musical practices like the Nuban, Haboush, and dances from Kenya’s coastal areas such as Jikanka and Hiwa. Rituals involving drumming and healing are common and often conducted in spaces called makaid, where songs such as Dawa Dawa, sung in a blend of Swahili and Arabic, are performed for spiritual and physical healing.

Musical groups known for using wooden instruments like the khishaba (a type of drum), the banduq (made of clay), and the kasour (invented by famed musician Saad al-Yabis) are central to their cultural expression.

Their lineage largely traces back to the Swahili-speaking Bantu people of East Africa, who were enslaved and brought to Iraq in the 9th century to work under the Abbasid regime. Many have retained African healing rituals, using Swahili alongside Arabic in their chants and ceremonies.

Recently, a decision by Basra Governor Asaad al-Eidani to allocate land plots to dark-skinned citizens stirred controversy. Former member of Parliament Rihab al-Ubaidi criticized the move, calling it a politically motivated ploy to gain favor ahead of elections.

Ubaidi condemned the framing of the governor’s meeting with Black residents, saying it revived unacceptable classist and racial narratives.

“Their demands are legitimate and natural. God created us as nations and tribes, and Basra’s diversity is part of its beauty,” she said. “But presenting the land allocations as if based on skin color is wrong and establishes a class divide unworthy of Basra’s pluralistic history.”

She also blasted the media coverage as “offensive and insulting” to many Basrawis, noting widespread public backlash online.

“What we saw was not worthy of the issue. It felt like recycled media content aimed at spreading division rather than promoting unity,” she said.

“Terms like ‘Lufufu,’ ‘white-skinned,’ or ‘dark-skinned’ must be erased from our vocabulary entirely,” she added. “Basra must remain a model of unity and coexistence, not a site for sowing division, especially for electoral or personal gain.”

Article 14 of Iraq’s 2005 constitution guarantees equal rights regardless of race. Still, Afro-Iraqis continue to face racism and exclusion.

Despite their prominence in society, no Afro-Iraqi has ever held a ministerial post or been elected to Parliament or a provincial council. In 2007, activist Jalal Diyab founded the Free Iraqis Movement, Iraq’s first political organization representing Afro-Iraqis. Diyab described it as a secular civil movement seeking equal rights without racial or discriminatory motives.

According to researcher Saad Salloum in Minorities in Iraq, the movement called for political representation, constitutional recognition, a formal apology for historical discrimination, legislation banning the use of the term “slave,” criminal penalties for racism, and inclusion in educational curricula. It also demanded minority quota allocations similar to those granted to Christians, Yazidis, Mandaeans, and Shabaks.

In April 2013, Diyab was assassinated by unknown gunmen. At the time, many believed the attack was politically motivated and linked to his admiration for prominent Black American figures like Martin Luther King Jr. and former US President Barack Obama.

Today, historian Ali al-Nashmi says that Afro-Iraqis are no longer exploited or discriminated against.

“There is no legal or societal persecution. They’re not mistreated in any area of life. Many are professors, artists, scientists, and singers,” he said.

Sarmad al-Badri, media director at the Iraqi Human Rights Commission, agrees only in part. While he acknowledges some improvement, he affirms that systemic oppression has left deep scars.

“Black Iraqis remain one of the most vulnerable groups. Many are from the working class. While some are scientists and academics, this doesn’t mean they are socially empowered,” Badri told The New Region.

“Despite government efforts, the community still suffers from economic hardship, low wages, and limited job opportunities. We’ve hosted them in many programs and documented their concerns at our Basra office, which has worked with international and national institutions to protect their rights.”

Badri emphasized that their suffering stems from decades of marginalization, particularly under the former regime. “They were deprived of opportunities under Saddam Hussein’s government,” he said.

He noted that bullying continues today despite religious institutions’ educational efforts. “Even the Ahl al-Bayt taught against racism and discrimination,” he said.

“We must not treat them with arrogance. As a commission, it is our duty to defend their rights through law and awareness,” he said. “We urge provinces with large Afro-Iraqi populations to recognize their needs and focus on protecting their rights.”

Badri encouraged those with grievances to seek help from local authorities, stressing their rights to education, health care, housing, employment, and dignity.

“Black Iraqis are a vital part of our society. Protecting them strengthens the entire nation,” he said. “Some of them work with international humanitarian groups that could amplify their voices globally. If they are still facing injustice, this could trigger international scrutiny. Iraq is a signatory to anti-racism treaties and participates in related conferences annually.”