BAGHDAD, Iraq - The fierce political rivalry between the leaders of the ruling Iraqi Shiite Coordination Framework destabilizes the political system and threatens to topple it, political leaders, officials, and observers told The New Region.

Dragging state institutions, including the judiciary and the legislature, into this conflict and using them as tools to strike opponents has been the most prominent manifestation of this conflict over the past few weeks.

The ferocity of the battle, whose fragments have crossed the walls of institutions and reached the public through the media, has shown beyond doubt that it is being fought between the judicial and executive authorities on the one hand, and between the executive and legislative authorities on the other.

Judge Haider Hanoun, head of the Federal Commission of Integrity, an independent governmental body concerned with combating corruption, in a press conference held in Erbil on Wednesday, accused the heads of the two highest judicial institutions in Iraq, the Supreme Judicial Council and the Federal Supreme Court, and their members of receiving bribes from former Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi “in return for their loyalty”.

He also accused the lead judge of the Integrity Court, Dhiaa Jaafar, of “covering up” for the key defendant in the theft of tax deposits case known as the “Heist of the Century”, and other major economic crimes.

Three weeks earlier, MPs, security officials, and politicians revealed the existence of a “wiretapping and blackmail” network operating inside the government palace in Baghdad, where Prime Minister Mohammed Shia’ al-Sudani conducts his daily business. 

At least eight suspects have been arrested in connection with the case ever since, including three employees from Sudani’s government team, as well as National Security and National Intelligence Service officers who had been assigned to work in Sudani’s office, officials told The New Region.

Mohammad Juhi, deputy director general of the administrative department in the Prime Minister’s Office, who is also the government team’s secretary and the official responsible for communicating with MPs, and Muthanna Dakhil Safouk, the representative of the “National Contact Point” - a special committee formed by Sudani to communicate with global telecommunications companies whose mission is to negotiate with these companies to track websites, block them, or obtain information about their owners - are the most prominent of the eight detainees, sources said.

The snowball that MP Mustafa Sanad -one of the network's victims- rolled by announcing the disclosure of this network late last month and filing a lawsuit against its members on charges of “unclean acts, including eavesdropping on the telephones of a number of MPs and politicians,” continues to grow and harm Sudani’s political alliances, achievements, and ambitions that stand in its way.

Several of Sudani’s advisors have publicly denied the existence of a “wiretapping” network inside the Prime Minister’s Office and downplayed the involvement of a number of Sudani's office employees in the activities of this network.

They have indicated that the matter was “exaggerated and widely marketed in this way to strike Sudani, who has angered his allies and opponents with his successes,” Ibrahim al-Sumaidaie, one of Sudani’s advisors, told The New Region.

"Those arrested so far are only three. The case is definitely not spying or eavesdropping," Sumaidaie said. "What is happening now is part of the political jostling that precedes the elections... This conflict is natural and we hope it will not affect the government's program.” 

"We also hope that (the conflict) will be limited to using legitimate methods and tools and not rely on inventing stories that do not exist."

However, fruitless efforts led by Ammar Al-Hakim, leader of Hikma Movement and one of the poles of the Coordination Framework, as well as the US Ambassador to Baghdad Alina Romanowski “to contain the crisis and resolve it behind closed doors,” as received by The New Region from a prominent leader of the Hikma Movement, suggest something else.

On August 29, Romanowski met with Chief Justice Faiq Zidan. 

Days later, She met separately with several poles of the Coordination Framework, including the head of the State of Law Coalition Nouri al-Maliki “to discuss security and regional developments and the latest domestic issues,” Romanowski tweeted after the meeting on September 3.

التقيت برئيس ائتلاف دولة القانون @nourialmalikiiq لمناقشة التطورات الأمنية الإقليمية وأحدث القضايا المحلية بما في ذلك أهمية انتخاب رئيس مجلس النواب المقبل وتعزيز العلاقات بين الولايات المتحدة والعراق. #الشراكة_الأمريكية_العراقية_الشاملة pic.twitter.com/DUhFCaVofO

— Ambassador Alina L. Romanowski (@USAmbIraq) September 3, 2024

The New Region contacted the US Embassy to ask if there had been mediation efforts from the embassy.

“We do not comment on private diplomatic conversations,” read a response attributed to the US Mission Iraq spokesperson.

Hanoun, who appeared agitated and shaken as he waved copies of documents that “support” his claims, said that he was in the Kurdistan Region to participate in the issuance of the first report for the launch of the national strategy to combat corruption in partnership with the Kurdistan Region.

The launch date of the strategy, which was scheduled for a later time, was brought forward due to pressures that Hanoun said were placed on him by the first integrity judge.

Sudani’s critics and allies see Hanoun’s actions and timing as directly related to what the Supreme Judicial Council called the “Mohammed Juhi Network” and that it was “planned” and designed to put pressure on the Supreme Judicial Council “to reach a settlement that would end the war between the two parties.” 

“Haider Hanoun’s press conference was intentional. We wanted to send a clear message to the judiciary that we will not hesitate to reveal the files we have (against you) if you confront us,” a senior Iraqi official close to Sudani told The New Region. 

“Hanoun mentioned some of the files we have against them (the judiciary), and there is still a lot that Hanoun has not mentioned,” he added.

Hanoun did not respond to calls from The New Region seeking comment on this matter, and he also backed out of conducting an interview with our correspondent in Erbil despite setting the date before the press conference. 

However, Fadi al-Shammari, Sudani’s political advisor, said in a televised interview broadcasted on Thursday evening that Hanoun’s press conference “was an ill-placed effort” and that “the government tried to dissuade him (Hanoun) from holding the conference.”

“There is friction, that is not hidden from anyone, between the executive and judicial authorities, not a conflict,” Sumaidaie told The New Region. 

The reason behind this “friction,” according to Sumaidaie, is cases that were transferred by the executive authority and are now in the hands of the judiciary, but "the political forces are still using them to pressure the government and accuse it of participating in corruption and negligence in not fighting it." 

Sumaidaie  pointed to the cases of theft of tax deposits and the contract for the rehabilitation, replacement and operation of the northern and southern Karbala-Ar’ar railway line, which Hanoun said they "discovered the existence of theft and a loss to Iraq worth 18 billion dollars" in the aforementioned contract and that the file of this case was referred to the first integrity judge two months ago, "and it also disappeared."

The judiciary is the arbiter

It is not yet clear whether the Juhi Network is one of the manifestations of the financial and administrative corruption rampant in Iraqi state departments and ministries and whether those involved are motivated merely by corruption, or Sudani himself has been involved for political reasons, as some of his political allies have publicly said.

However, Hanoun's behavior, which now serves as a precedent in the history of the Iraqi judiciary, terrified political leaders and sounded the alarm in the corridors of the ruling Shiite Coordination Framework, as they saw it as a “blatant” clash between the executive and judicial authorities, representing a “threat” to the political scene and the political system as a whole.

The Framework’s leaders met on Wednesday in the presence of Sudani and “listened” to a “summary” about what they described as “violations being circulated by some of his office employees,” a statement issued by the Framework’s General Secretariat after the meeting, reads.

No further details regarding the “wiretapping” issue were mentioned, nor did it mention Hanoun’s press conference, but the statement clearly expressed the Framework’s support for the judiciary.

Shiite politicians familiar with the results of the meeting told The New Region that “signs of tension and discomfort were evident on the faces of the attendees” and that “a major quarrel” broke out between Sudani and Qais al-Khazali, the commander of Asaib Ahl al-Haq and Sudani’s biggest support, “after they exchanged accusations of targeting each other.”

“The justifications presented by Sudani were not convincing” a leader of the Framework told the New Region.

Former Prime Minister Maliki and Khazali “harshly blamed Sudani and held him responsible for what happened,” the leader said. “Whatever happened (regarding the wiretapping issue), he (Sudani) bears full responsibility.”

“If he was directly involved, then this is a disaster and if what happened was without his knowledge, then it is an even greater disaster,” he added.

Samidaie refused to comment on the dispute that erupted between Sudani and Khazali, but Shammari said in a television interview broadcasted on Thursday on a local TV channel that a “misunderstanding” occurred between the two men in the penultimate meeting of the leaders of the Coordination Framework and that “what happened was a reproach between loved ones.”

Though, the attendees, including Sudani, agreed to wait for the results of the investigations and that none of them would interfere to influence the course of the investigations. Whatever the judiciary’s decision will be, everyone “will submit to it”, the leader said.

“We do not comment negatively or positively on the events that have recently been raised, but rather we await the final ruling that the judiciary will issue, and we will abide by it and proceed with it,” Maliki said in a televised speech broadcasted after the meeting.

Crisis repercussions and the end of the honeymoon phase

Whatever the results of the investigations, it appears that great damage has been done to Sudani's relationship with his biggest Shiite partners, which in turn might have ruined his chances of winning a second term, observers said.

In Iraq’s complicated political arena, alliances are often key to get anything done. Since 2003, no major political office has been decided upon without consensus from several parties and without the formation of several alliances.

Although both the competent judge and the head of the Judicial Council said that the investigation is still ongoing and that no final results have yet emerged, it appears that a number of Sudani’s political partners have already turned their backs on him.

Some of them have begun to criticize him publicly, highlighting the mistakes of his government and his special government team. 

Others have begun to discuss options that can be pursued until the next parliamentary elections scheduled for the end of next year.

However, Sudani's voluntary resignation or his dismissal on the grounds of the accusation of "eavesdropping" by his partners, seems unrealistic at this stage.  

Calling for early parliamentary elections with the aim of paralyzing Sudani and turning his government into a caretaker government is one of the scenarios on the table, as well as replacing the leadership of the National Security Service and the National Intelligence Service and expelling and changing the staff of Sudani’s Special and Military Offices, while depriving him of participating in the upcoming elections, are also strongly proposed scenarios, political leaders said.

Sumaidaie did not rule out making changes in the prime minister's military and private offices that would affect anyone proven to have "abused his position or been involved in electronic blackmail."

"Any employee or official proven by the judiciary or internal administrative investigations to be involved in this case or any similar case will be dismissed and punished, whoever he is," Sumaidaie said.

However, on Sunday, Sudani gave a televised speech in which he spoke in detail about his government’s achievements over the past two years.

In his speech that lasted for more than 13 minutes, Sudani did not mention anything about the current crisis he is facing, nor did he answer any of the questions circulating in the political and media circles about the accusations against him or the violations that some of his office employees and members of his government team were involved in.

Surprisingly, he mentioned the "State Administration Alliance", which includes Shiite, Sunni and Kurdish forces, several times as the biggest supporter of his government without any reference to the Shiite Coordination Framework, its official sponsor, observers said.

“The speech was stagnant, it seemed like something was wrong and it did not reflect confidence that he would stay in office,” a senior Iraqi official told The New Region.

“He talked about his accomplishments and that was clearly directed at the public, but he ignored his (Shiite) partners and that would be understood as he is no longer a partner to them,” the official said. “It is clear that he is trapped and does not have much room to maneuver.”

Still, if Sudani chooses to go at it alone in the face of this crisis without his partners, as his last speech suggests, he will be easy “prey” for Maliki, the most politically experienced, persistent, and maneuverable leader of the Coordination Framework who is eager to regain the premiership.

On top of that, Khazali, Sudani’s biggest supporter and godfather of his government, who has turned to be one of his fiercest Shiite opponents, will be Sudani’s biggest nightmare as he will use all his resources to undermine Sudani’s authority and the achievements of his government, politicians, and observers said.

“Maliki will use all his experience and resources to end Sudani’s political career, while Khazali will use all his resources and connections to undermine Sudani’s authority and destabilize the stability he boasts about,” a Coordination Framework leader told The New Region.

“The real damage that Sudani has suffered is his loss of the trust of his most important and dangerous partner, Khazali,” the leader said.

“The situation is very complicated and vague, and restoring the relationship between Sudani and his former partners requires a miracle, especially since some parties are benefiting from ruining his reputation and have found an excuse to exclude him politically,” he added.